Distorting
or Creating Reality?
Paper
presented at the Horizon 1999 Congress
May 12
Utrecht,
The Netherlands
Peter
Vasterman. School of Journalism, Utrecht.
Distorting
or Creating Reality?
Abstract
Debates
about the 'distortion of reality' by the media tend to overlook the fact that
the media not only give a specific construction of reality, but at the same
time have an immense influence on reality itself. Because the media shape our
reality, it is very problematic to study presumed 'distortions' and perform a
sort of 'reality check' on media coverage.
This
problem becomes very clear in cases where 'key events' trigger a media storm
which the media become the main player in the field. Such a 'mediahype' about
for example sexual abuse cases in schools not only brings every (past and
present) incidents to the surface, but at the same time changes society's
definitions of sexual abuse and intimidation. The consequence of these changing
definitions will be the discovery of even more presumed cases of abuse. This
accumulation can create even more outrage or concern. During an intensive
mediahype the media temporarily change their news selection criteria, but when
the hype is over, collective definitions of these social problems might be
changed for good. In that case it is very difficult for the media researcher to
compare media coverage with 'reality'. When the media create the impression
that a 'wave' of comparable incidents occur in a short period, this might be
wrong according to the 'old' definitions of the problem, but the researcher has
to deal with the fact that the media storm created new definitions of our
'problematic' reality.
Table:
media coverage of sexual abuse cases in schools
Introduction:
a wave of abuse cases in schools.
Almost
everyday during the spring of 1996, the newspapers brought headlines about
sexual abuse cases in schools. Everyday we read headlines like: 'Again, another
teacher is arrested for sexual abuse.' 'Teacher fired after sexual abuse
accusation.' 'Teacher suspended after kissing girl. 'And almost everyday new
cases came to the surface. Within a few months we had a record of over 20 abuse
cases in schools. And if that wasn't enough, new abuse cases were discovered in
other areas like (amateur and professional) sports with coaches being accused
of sexual intimidation.
In the
years before 1996 only a very few cases of sexual abuse were reported to the
police and covered by the press, but in 1996 sexual abuse in schools seemed to
be a growing social problem, with a lot of victims, interestingly enough mainly
boys.
By the end
of 1996 the number of cases declined, but in the years after that still more
cases are reported than in the period before 1996.
What happened
in the spring of 1996? Was there a growing problem? Did the amount of cases
increase? Did parents have to worry? Was it getting dangerous in the schools?
Or was it just another hype, a short period of media focus on sexual abuse? Did
the media exaggerate the whole problem, by giving an excessive amount of
coverage to minor incidents, that normally would never have attracted this huge
attention? Did the media in other words, create a problem? Causing concern of
even panic among parents? A problem that seems to disappear, once the media
withdraw their attention?
problems
with reality check
This case
leads us to some very interesting problems, related to the core question of
this afternoon: that is the question of distortions of reality by the media.
In order to
investigate the assumption that the media create the false impression that the
amount of abuse cases has grown, the researcher would have to compare the
amount of reported cases in the media with the 'real' amount of cases. In other
words the researcher would like to perform a sort of reality check on media
coverage. If the media report new cases everyday, creating the impression that
the incidents of abuse accumulate, then they give a distorted picture of
reality. If there are more cases than before, than the media perform their role
of watchdog: they have to point out social problems.
But this
approach creates a lot of problems, not only with this subject: sexual abuse in
schools, but also with comparable issues like street violence or racist attacks.
Sexual
abuse is a criminal act, so it will be difficult to get the truth about the
actual size of the problem. A lot of incidents will be kept secret and will not
be reported to the authorities in the school or to the police. So their might
be serious under reporting in the figures on abuse in schools.
An
interesting detail in this matter is that the Dutch Inspectorate for education
started to gather figures about sexual abuse in 1994, there are no figures
available from the years before. This is a clear signal that this problem has
recently been (re-)discovered.
Another
problem is connected to the definition of sexual abuse and the change of moral
concepts in society. If the definition of what is unacceptable between a
teacher and his pupil, is changing then it is even more difficult to get a
reliable picture of the scale of the problem. And we have seen considerable
changes over the past decades. Completely new words and concepts like sexual
violence, sexual harassment, intimidation, or date rape illustrate this
process. In the figures of the authorities you'll find severe rape cases but at
the same time also verbal sexual intimidation or relationships between high
school pupils ands teachers. So the figures contain everything that has been
the subject of a complaint. And in the media even very small incidents (kissing
after graduation) can become front page news during the abuse wave. And to add
even more problems: what if the media play a key role in this process of
changing social definitions by highlighting a series of cases in a concentrated
way, emphasizing the scope of the problem? The researcher is confronted with a
mixture of causes and effects. In these areas we have to deal with a reality
that has been contaminated by the media itself. Moral concepts, definitions of
social problems change due to media coverage.
'senseless
violence'
Let's taken
another example. In the Netherlands, a new kind of crime emerged over the past
few years, the problem of the 'senseless violence', a very broad concept used
to describe situations in which people are killed in the street or in disco's
with no reason whatsoever. In two cases, massive protest marches were
organized, covered live by two national television channels. One in 1997 after
a man was kicked to death during a fight, and once in Gorinchem in 1999 after
two girls were killed by gunshots fired through the door of a disco.
In both
cases the media not only concentrated on these two cases, but also focused on
other incidents of senseless violence for weeks, creating again the impression
that this kind of crime was getting worse everyday. And again we are confronted
by the same problems: there a no reliable figures on this kind of crime, and
even worse: there is no clear definition of senseless violence. At first it
seemed to refer to a situation in which an innocent bystander tried to
interfere and to help someone who was being harassed by some violent drunks.
But later, almost every fight, also the 'regular' fights in cafes were reported
by the media as senseless violence cases. Is this senseless violence a sort of
media created social problem? How big is the role the media play in these
processes?
not
distorting, but creating reality.
In both
cases the media were criticized for exaggerating the scale of the problem, for
sensationalizing the whole issue for the benefit of higher ratings or selling
more newspapers. The media were 'hyping up' the problem and by doing this
distorting reality. According to critics. I think it is not that simple: it is
not a matter of distorting reality but of creating reality. As a researcher,
you can try to unravel this whole process, but you cannot simply compare it to
reality. In these cases there is no measure for exaggeration. Nevertheless,
many researchers have tried to prove that the presumed dangers or problems
exposed by news coverage have far less statistical significance than the
quantity or the quality of the coverage would suggest.
amplification
process
In both
cases the media show a special process in which the media amplify a problematic
reality. News alerts us to the existence of all kinds of problems, thereby
generating public anxiety and a response from the government. The media are not
only a proactive force but also a catalyst for social action. (McNair 1998).
And this process has a sort of regular pattern, a process that I refer to as the
mediahype. Hype not in the sense of exaggerating or give disproportionate media
coverage to in fact minor problems, but in the definition of a process in which
the media concentrate on an issue, develop it, and change our reality.
mediahype
In cases like
the Kosovo war, where there are new developments, new bombings and other events
everyday it is very clear what causes the huge amount of media coverage. This
is a publicity wave or a news storm that no one will question as a 'hype'.
But there
are also news waves which do not have a very clear and 'linear' connection
between independent events and news coverage. In the cases of the sexual abuse
and senseless violence incidents it is clear that something else is going on.
The media are not watching the game from the position of the audience, but they
become important player in the field. Under normal circumstances an abuse case
of a victim during a street fight at night would never have gained national
coverage, or even live TV-coverage at different channels. These cases would
have been short articles on page three or even seven in regional newspapers.
But in both cases things went differently: they became part of that special
media-process that 'develops' subjects like this into outrages on the front pages.
key event
As Brosius
and Eps (1995), and Kepplinger and Habermeier (1995) have stated in their
articles on the impact of key events: certain shocking events cause a sudden
change in news selection criteria for a short time. After a few weeks
everything turns to normal again.
After a key
event, which is defined as an event that triggers a news wave, the media first
report more about the event and the connected issue, but when this reservoir of
news runs dry, the media will look for similar events in other areas (are there
also incidents of senseless violence in other parts of Holland?), and after
that: similar events in the past.
In most
cases these incidents were at the time hardly reported or even completely
neglected by the media. But during this 'media frenzy' they get a whole new
meaning. And during the next step the media will focus on reactions from
politicians or interest groups. It is no coincidence that Kepplinger and
Habermeier have chosen three subjects for their research (earthquake, road
accidents en aids victims) for which they have reliable statistics (number of
casualties). So they can compare the coverage with the factual amount of
incidents. And of course the media create the impression that events
accumulate, although nothing much has changed. Except that a key event
triggered a news wave about the subject.
This
becomes a different story if we were to repeat this study with the two issues
mentioned above, the sexual abuse in schools and the senseless violence. It is
difficult, if not say impossible to compare coverage with the actual frequency
of events. Reliable statistics are not available and social definitions are
changing over time, also as a result of extensive media coverage.
key
construction
Another
problem is the question why an event becomes a key event. There is only a very
'loose' connection between the character of the happenings and their becoming a
key event. (As Kepplinger and Habermeier write) And that's true, what you see
in the news is that sometimes very shocking events do not trigger a mediahype,
while others, less shocking do. That brings me to the conclusion that although
the event itself is very important, the second important step is the
construction of the event by a news source. That is to say: to place the event
into a broader context and to give it a social meaning. I would like to call
this the key construction. If an event lacks a key construction, it will not
trigger a mediahype, unless it is very shocking by itself (in terms of number
of casualaties).
In the Netherlands
during the past months we had three cases of 'senseless violence' killing
altogether four people, but only one of them triggered a huge news wave and led
to national outrage. In two other cases the media only brought the regular one
column news items about a stabbing and a fight. In the first case in Amsterdam
where a motorist was stabbed by a cyclist, the incident was labeled as a
'traffic fight'. In the second case in the Hague three Turkish men were
stabbed, killing one of them. It was labeled as one of those new years eve
riots. In both cases family and friends held a protest march, with torches and
pictures of the victims, but surprisingly no media coverage. The incidents were
not labeled as senseless violence by reliable and authoritative sources. In
Gorinchem this became the main angle of the whole coverage.
The news
wave about abuses cases started with news about a school in Rijssen: the
labeling here was also very important: what made it a special case was the fact
that it happened at a very orthodox Protestant school, the offender being the
religion teacher, and the victims all boys (and large numbers). This case was
the main reason for a journalist to investigate an old rumor about an abuse
case at his own former high school. He revealed an abuse case that gained even
more publicity than Rijssen. This confirms the pattern that journalists are
going to look for similar events, even if they happened many years ago. They
get a fresh angle because the principal and the board of the school are still
in charge and can be confronted with their former policy. For weeks we heard
updates about the position of the principal. These two cases taken together
triggered a huge news wave in March of 1996. In the months after that the media
still are focused on abuse at schools and one case after the other is brought
in the open. And indeed in most cases the stories were about similar events
from the past. There were almost no new cases.
changing
definitions
After an
intensive coverage like this, about sexual abuse or about senseless violence,
things seem to return to normal, but that remains the question. Statistics will
go up, more cases will be reported to the police, victims will file charges
much more often, school board will interfere the moment they get the impression
something is wrong. The government demands that every school has a specific
protocol for abuse cases, leading to more complaints. So statistics will rise
and the media will report that again as a growing problem raising concern. At the
same time definitions have changed, the category sexual harassment has become
much broader and the same goes for the category senseless violence.
I think it
is important to do more research into the way the media change our social
reality during a news wave, triggered by a shocking key event, in which they
focus on one specific subject or problem. There seems to be a relation between
the expansion of the definition of a social problem and the way the media work
during a mediahype. We should look more into the role of the key construction
during the process and the way it is linked to the expansion of the
definitions.
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